- Durham University, Dept. of Theology and Religion, Department MemberHarvard University, Harvard Divinity School, Department Member, and 2 moreadd
- Medieval Philosophy, Islamic Philosophy, Arabic Philosophy, Philosophy Of Religion, Thomas Aquinas, Neo-Platonic philosophy, and 16 moreHellenistic Philosophy, Neoplatonism and late antique philosophy, Neoplatonism, Al-Andalus, Averroes, Avicenna, Liber De Causis, Aristotle's Commentators, Albertus Magnus, Averroism, Scientific Encounters Between the Medieval Christian and Islamicate Worlds, Albert the Great, History of Medicine, Natural philosophy, History of Science, and Mendicant Ordersedit
- Katja Krause is a historian of science and medicine, and a philosopher specializing in medieval thought and beyond. S... moreKatja Krause is a historian of science and medicine, and a philosopher specializing in medieval thought and beyond. She received her PhD in 2014 from King’s College London for her dissertation entitled “Aquinas’ Philosophy of the Beatific Vision: A Textual Analysis of his Commentary on the Sentences in Light of its Greek, Arabic, and Latin Sources.” After her doctorate, Krause was awarded a two-year Postdoctoral Fellowship at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, where she worked on a series of articles that examine the empirical turn of the thirteenth century that emerged from the appropriation of Averroes’ commentaries on the corpus Aristotelicum. In 2016/17 she served as Assistant Professor in Medieval Thought at Durham University, UK, and in 2017/18 was a Postdoctoral Fellow at Harvard Divinity School, supported by the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina – Nationale Akademie der Wissenschaften. Krause is currently Leader of the Max Planck Research Group “Experience in the Pre-Modern Sciences of Soul and Body, ca. 800-1650,” jointly with a professorship at the Technische Universität Berlin. She is currently working on a book project, which is concerned with the notion of experience in medieval and Renaissance sciences of the living world.edit
Albert the Great’s Commentary on the De animalibus and Medicine Traditionally scientific boundaries were determined by subject matter and/or method. The latter was particularly useful when two sciences covered the same subject matter,... more
Albert the Great’s Commentary on the De animalibus and Medicine
Traditionally scientific boundaries were determined by subject matter and/or method. The latter was particularly useful when two sciences covered the same subject matter, as was the case, to a great extent, with the ensouled human body in the Aristotelian science of the De animalibus on the one hand and in theoretical medicine on the other. Although Albert the Great (1200-1280), the medieval natural philosopher par excellence, knew about Avicenna’s methodological division of these two sciences from Latin translations of his writings, he ultimately decided to go his own ways in the De animalibus. Indeed, thanks to his epistemic commitments to Aristotelian demonstration, Albert decided instead to integrate the traditional medical subject matters of anatomy and physiology into his scientia De animalibus. How exactly he did so, what his precise motivations were, and what the consequences his integrations had, are discussed in this paper.
Traditionally scientific boundaries were determined by subject matter and/or method. The latter was particularly useful when two sciences covered the same subject matter, as was the case, to a great extent, with the ensouled human body in the Aristotelian science of the De animalibus on the one hand and in theoretical medicine on the other. Although Albert the Great (1200-1280), the medieval natural philosopher par excellence, knew about Avicenna’s methodological division of these two sciences from Latin translations of his writings, he ultimately decided to go his own ways in the De animalibus. Indeed, thanks to his epistemic commitments to Aristotelian demonstration, Albert decided instead to integrate the traditional medical subject matters of anatomy and physiology into his scientia De animalibus. How exactly he did so, what his precise motivations were, and what the consequences his integrations had, are discussed in this paper.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Most ancient Greek and Arabic Peripatetic works following the footsteps of Aristotle’s De anima and Ethica Nicomachea stood at odds with key aspects of the traditional Christian doctrines of the human soul, intellect, and ultimate... more
Most ancient Greek and Arabic Peripatetic works following the footsteps of Aristotle’s De anima and Ethica Nicomachea stood at odds with key aspects of the traditional Christian doctrines of the human soul, intellect, and ultimate happiness. Alexander of Aphrodisias presents no exception to this picture. The young Thomas Aquinas thus heavily criticises his thought on the human soul and intellect in his Commentary on the Sentences II.17.2.1. Yet at the same time, he explicitly approves of some aspects of Alexander’s thought on ultimate human happiness for his doctrine of the beatific vision in his Commentary on the Sentences IV.49.2.1. The purpose of this paper is to dissolve these seemingly paradoxical treatments of Alexander’s thought in Aquinas’ earliest work. By showing that Aquinas performs two distinctive transformations of Alexander’s Aristotelian philosophy—an anchored transformation and a dissociated transformation—I uncover how he systematically consolidates his own earliest theological anthropology and eschatology.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Among historians of philosophy and science, Albert the Great (ca. 1200-1280) is well-known for his scientific outlook on animals. His mature commentary on the De animalibus (after 1258) has been praised for its revival of a scientia de... more
Among historians of philosophy and science, Albert the Great (ca. 1200-1280) is well-known for his scientific outlook on animals. His mature commentary on the De animalibus (after 1258) has been praised for its revival of a scientia de animalibus, covering animal diversity in its psycho-physiological nature, generation and habitat, and the causes that lead to this diversity. Far less attention has been paid to the genesis of this scientific outlook, found in his early theological works. This lack of attention, however, has resulted in two gaps in the literature. On the one hand, we have not fully appreciated Albert’s motivations and reasons for his mature scientific decisions. On the other hand, we have not fully grasped the systematic impact that his appropriation of the scientia de animalibus had on the developments of related systematic fields, such as his eschatology and theological anthropology. The purpose of this paper is to begin to address this second gap in the literature. I show how and why Albert’s systematic integration of the Aristotelian model of animal epigenesis into his eschatology and theological anthropology resulted in a thorough modification of his Christian conception of the human soul’s creatio ex nihilo in his mature works.
Research Interests:
Aquinas presents his earliest conception of human happiness in his commentary on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, bk. IV d. 49 q. 1. In holding that happiness can only be had vis-à-vis God in the afterlife, he decidedly follows Latin tradition... more
Aquinas presents his earliest conception of human happiness in his commentary on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, bk. IV d. 49 q. 1. In holding that happiness can only be had vis-à-vis God in the afterlife, he decidedly follows Latin tradition including Peter Lombard. But he radically remodels the structure and content of heavenly happiness. Not only does he commence his treatment with the philosophical question of “wherein happiness is to be sought” (a. 1). But he also grounds it in the perfective operation of the soul alone and links it to God as its external obtainable good. His reasons for this fundamental deviation from the Latin tradition do, however, not lie in his adherence to Aristotle as contemporary scholarship suggests. Rather, as I show, Aquinas develops his theory of happiness against the backdrop of a complex range of sources, including Aristotle, the Greek Christian Commentators on Aristotle’s Ethics, Avicenna, Averroes, the Parisian Masters of Arts, and Albert the Great. The main purpose of his “intellectualist” account of heavenly happiness—a superior reconciliation of the truth of reason with the truth of revelation—can only be appreciated if this range of sources is taken into consideration.
Research Interests:
Albert and Aquinas present beatitude in their Commentaries on the Sentences in strikingly different ways. While Albert’s theory of beatitude is an account purely based on theological conceptions and sources, Aquinas makes extensive use of... more
Albert and Aquinas present beatitude in their Commentaries on the Sentences in strikingly different ways. While Albert’s theory of beatitude is an account purely based on theological conceptions and sources, Aquinas makes extensive use of philosophers such as Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Avicenna, and Averroes. Recent scholarship has shown that Aquinas derived his philosophical argumentation for the beatific vision from Averroes’ conjunction theory. Yet the reasons for Albert’s and Aquinas’ disparate theories of beatitude have not yet been investigated. In this paper, I shall show that Albert’s and Aquinas’ divergent conceptions of the relationship between the two sciences of philosophy and theology explain their disparate theories of beatitude.
De Wulf-Mansion Centre for Ancient, Medieval and Renaissance Philosophy, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Organized by: Andrea A. ROBIGLIO (Leuven) and Richard C. TAYLOR (Milwaukee-Leuven), in collaboration with the Aquinas and ‘the Arabs’... more
De Wulf-Mansion Centre for Ancient, Medieval and Renaissance Philosophy, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Organized by: Andrea A. ROBIGLIO (Leuven) and Richard C. TAYLOR (Milwaukee-Leuven), in collaboration with the Aquinas and ‘the Arabs’ International Working Group.
The conference, Premodern Experience of the Natural World in Translation, will be held at the main conference room at the MPIWG in Berlin on 26 June 2019 from 9:30 – 19:30 and on 27 June 2019 from 9:30 – 18:00. The event is open to up to... more
The conference, Premodern Experience of the Natural World in Translation, will be held at the main conference room at the MPIWG in Berlin on 26 June 2019 from 9:30 – 19:30 and on 27 June 2019 from 9:30 – 18:00.
The event is open to up to 20 visitors on a first-to-register-first-serve basis. We would, therefore, kindly ask you to register with our office at your earliest convenience, but no later than Friday, June 21, 2019 at sek.krause@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de.
The event is open to up to 20 visitors on a first-to-register-first-serve basis. We would, therefore, kindly ask you to register with our office at your earliest convenience, but no later than Friday, June 21, 2019 at sek.krause@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de.
Research Interests:
Panel Discussion with Sonja Brentjes, Joan Cadden, Katy Park, and Dagmar Schäfer, chaired by Lorraine Daston, with concluding remarks by Katja Krause.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Im Rahmen der Ringvorlesung: Werke der mittelalterlichen Philosophie (SoSe 2016), Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Institut für Philosophie, Dienstags 18:00-20:00 Uhr, Raum A301, Bismarckstraße 1
Research Interests:
In his Commentary on the Sentences (bk. 4 d. 49 q. 2 a. 1) and De Veritate (q. 8 a. 1), Aquinas declares that the right model for conceiving of the beatific vision is found in Averroes’ conjunction theory as presented in his Long... more
In his Commentary on the Sentences (bk. 4 d. 49 q. 2 a. 1) and De Veritate (q. 8 a. 1), Aquinas declares that the right model for conceiving of the beatific vision is found in Averroes’ conjunction theory as presented in his Long Commentary on Aristotle’s ‘De Anima’, bk. 3. Yet commencing with his Summa Contra Gentiles (III.51) Aquinas retracts from his reference to Averroes. Recent studies by Brenet and Taylor have traced Aquinas’ adoption of and retraction from Averroes as a source. Yet they have not investigated Aquinas' reasons for his retraction. In my paper, I aim to fill this gap and explore such reasons that are traceable through a systematic textual study. I show that in his fully developed philosophical account of the beatific vision in his Summa Contra Gentiles, the elements that Aquinas initially adopts from Averroes’ conjunction theory turn out to be dispensable.
In his Summa Contra Gentiles (1261-63), Aquinas provides “probable and demonstrative arguments” on the light of glory’s ontological status and its attainment by the human intellect. Unlike his Latin predecessors Alexander of Hales and... more
In his Summa Contra Gentiles (1261-63), Aquinas provides “probable and demonstrative arguments” on the light of glory’s ontological status and its attainment by the human intellect. Unlike his Latin predecessors Alexander of Hales and Albert the Great, who largely favored theological explanations, Aquinas presents the light of glory as a new receptive disposition in the intellect, obtained in virtue of a unique passive potency in intellectual creatures. Yet this philosophical conception—which maintained decisive psychological and epistemological principles—was only possible due to Aquinas’ maturing comprehension and innovative use of Averroes’ Long Commentary on Aristotle’s ‘De Anima’. In my paper, I thus provide the first synthesis of Aquinas’ evolving conception of the light of glory in the three early major works of his Commentary on the Sentences, De Veritate, and Summa Contra Gentiles unearthing his indebtedness to his native Latin tradition, but particularly to Averroes.
Research Interests:
History of Science Society meeting 2015, San Francisco scheduled for Saturday 21 November 2015, 4-6pm Session Chair: Prof. Dr. Volker Hess (Charité Berlin) Presenters: Luca Gili (KU Leuven), Katja Krause (MPIWG Berlin), Sietske... more
History of Science Society meeting 2015, San Francisco
scheduled for Saturday 21 November 2015, 4-6pm
Session Chair: Prof. Dr. Volker Hess (Charité Berlin)
Presenters: Luca Gili (KU Leuven), Katja Krause (MPIWG Berlin), Sietske Fransen (MPIWG Berlin), Alex Moffett (University of Chicago)
scheduled for Saturday 21 November 2015, 4-6pm
Session Chair: Prof. Dr. Volker Hess (Charité Berlin)
Presenters: Luca Gili (KU Leuven), Katja Krause (MPIWG Berlin), Sietske Fransen (MPIWG Berlin), Alex Moffett (University of Chicago)
Research Interests:
Our knowing is limited by physical and cognitive boundaries such as corporeal matter, individual particularity, natural exceptionality, and human reason. The history of science may be viewed as the progressive evasion of these limits... more
Our knowing is limited by physical and cognitive boundaries such as corporeal matter, individual particularity, natural exceptionality, and human reason. The history of science may be viewed as the progressive evasion of these limits through the formulation of theories and the creation of speculative and technical instruments that made possible a deep comprehension of reality that regularly transcended the reaches of sense experience and reason. This panel presents four examples of how, in the pre-modern period, a progressive liberation from the limits of knowing laid the basis for the emancipation of different disciplines and inventions. At the same time, the continuity of questions on the limits of experience, knowledge, and science is accompanied by processes of discontinuity or even fracture in dense histories of opposing paradigms, contrasting perspectives, and tacit revolutions paving the road to the trailblazing developments which ranged from the telescope and the microscope to the discovery of new life worlds in the Americas and East Asia. Vincenzo Carlotta will illustrate how ancient alchemical explanations challenged philosophical paradigms and fashioned new knowledge of ultimate structures of reality in a longue-durée history. Yehuda Halper will portray how conceding the limits of metaphysics instigated a turn to the Aristotelian physical sciences and the questioning and rethinking their very foundations. Katja Krause will illustrate how novel connections between the medieval disciplines of medicine and zoology reshaped knowledge of the living body well into the Renaissance. Nicola Polloni will discuss how medieval shifts in conceptions of prime matter moulded Early Modern mathematizations of physics.
Research Interests: Epistemology, Philosophy of Science, Medieval Philosophy, Renaissance Studies, History of Science, and 10 moreAlchemy, Medieval Science, Byzantine Studies, Jewish Philosophy, Early Modern Science, Ancient Greek Philosophy, Early Modern Philosophy, History of Life Sciences, Experience, and History of Philosophy
Research Interests: History, Philosophy, Epistemology, Philosophy of Science, Medieval Philosophy, and 11 moreMedieval History, History of Medicine, Medieval Studies, Contemporary Art, History of Science, Ancient Science, Medieval Science, Ancient Philosophy, Early Modern Science, Early Modern Philosophy, and History of Philosophy
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
REMARQUES ET QUESTIONS Albert le Grand est un penseur du tout, non seulement dans la dimension logique, mais herméneutique. D'où la richesse du concept de totum potestativum, en une holistique aussi anthropologique... more
REMARQUES ET QUESTIONS
Albert le Grand est un penseur du tout, non seulement dans la dimension logique, mais herméneutique. D'où la richesse du concept de totum potestativum, en une holistique aussi anthropologique qu'ontologique, sur les trois niveaux de l'origine, la contingence et la raison. Le problème du genre renvoie à la conjonction du tout de la puissance (totum potestativum) et de la totalité abstraite de la collection départ de l'induction (totalitas potestatis). Le problème est la transition de l'usage logique du concept de totalité à son implication théologique sur un objet particulier, la Trinité. Mais c'est que les divisions faites par Albert ne sont pas seulement logiques, mais indiquent des parties de genres, et aident à penser un totum ante partes dans un spectre plus large que la logique ou la classification. Le vocabulaire religieux montre de plus une présence de l'âme au corps qui a besoin d'être pensée-le recours aux divisions logiques de la totalité est, en ce sens, un geste réaliste. Il y a deux voies : inductive et déductive ; la première était impossible au propos théologique, la seconde dote d'outils intellectuels une pensée qui veut saisir une réalité qui n'est pas saisissable conceptuellement, en particulier la différence entre substance et accidents. Mais ce n'est pas seulement une question de méthode. C'est l'intuition d'une implication de la logique dans les sciences de la nature (Albert était fort versé dans toutes les sciences de son temps). Il s'agit aussi de légitimer la recherche scientifique. De plus, là où Boèce est encore métaphorique, pour parler de la totalité, le maniement réaliste du concept de divisio potestatis par Albert lui permet des applications politiques et théologiques, dans l'établissement d'une hiérarchie des puissances. Les concepts, déjà plus clairs chez Albert, seront précisés par son disciple Thomas d'Aquin, notamment pour considérer comme seule forme l'anima rationalis.
Résumé par Michèle Delalle
Albert le Grand est un penseur du tout, non seulement dans la dimension logique, mais herméneutique. D'où la richesse du concept de totum potestativum, en une holistique aussi anthropologique qu'ontologique, sur les trois niveaux de l'origine, la contingence et la raison. Le problème du genre renvoie à la conjonction du tout de la puissance (totum potestativum) et de la totalité abstraite de la collection départ de l'induction (totalitas potestatis). Le problème est la transition de l'usage logique du concept de totalité à son implication théologique sur un objet particulier, la Trinité. Mais c'est que les divisions faites par Albert ne sont pas seulement logiques, mais indiquent des parties de genres, et aident à penser un totum ante partes dans un spectre plus large que la logique ou la classification. Le vocabulaire religieux montre de plus une présence de l'âme au corps qui a besoin d'être pensée-le recours aux divisions logiques de la totalité est, en ce sens, un geste réaliste. Il y a deux voies : inductive et déductive ; la première était impossible au propos théologique, la seconde dote d'outils intellectuels une pensée qui veut saisir une réalité qui n'est pas saisissable conceptuellement, en particulier la différence entre substance et accidents. Mais ce n'est pas seulement une question de méthode. C'est l'intuition d'une implication de la logique dans les sciences de la nature (Albert était fort versé dans toutes les sciences de son temps). Il s'agit aussi de légitimer la recherche scientifique. De plus, là où Boèce est encore métaphorique, pour parler de la totalité, le maniement réaliste du concept de divisio potestatis par Albert lui permet des applications politiques et théologiques, dans l'établissement d'une hiérarchie des puissances. Les concepts, déjà plus clairs chez Albert, seront précisés par son disciple Thomas d'Aquin, notamment pour considérer comme seule forme l'anima rationalis.
Résumé par Michèle Delalle